This article provides an empirical analysis of the voting behaviour of Conservative parliamentarians in the final parliamentary ballot of the Conservative Party leadership election of 2019.
Unlike previous contests, in the 2018 Conservative leadership election non-ideological considerations were not statistically significant in terms of explaining voting behaviour – we show what was.
This thesis is an examination of the causes of Conservative electoral decline in Liverpool, from the end of World War Two to the present day, which counters the traditional argument that declining sectarianism, or the premiership of Margaret Thatcher, are the root causes of Conservative decline in Liverpool.
The drive to unseat Corbyn was a crisis of leadership as much as it was an ideological conflict – why else would so many of the supposedly loyalist Corbyn faction have voted for his removal?
This article represents a quantitative challenge to the prevalent qualitative assumption in the academic literature, which claims Cameron’s modernisation project was a failure.
May’s support was drawn from those who backed Remain in the referendum, whilst Leadsom and Gove both drew support from Brexiteers; Leadsom from socially conservative members of the PCP, and Gove from the socially liberal wing.
There was a wider ideological dimension within the parliamentary Conservative Party to advocating Brexit – social conservatives were more likely to advocate Brexit than social liberals.
Whilst popular opinion ascribes Conservative decline in Liverpool to Margaret Thatcher, Conservative Prime Minister from 1979 to 1990, it began a decade before Thatcher gained power.
This is the recording of my keynote talk at the Thatcher Network’s ‘Thatcherism Now’ conference, held at the University of Liverpool in April 2018.
My review of West Lancashire Spring Triathlon, April 8th 2018, at Edge Hill University, organised by EpicEvents.